Financing politicians - it's our democracy that needs reforming

A few weeks ago this ten year old article by Fred E Folvary was brought to my attention. I thought I had blogged about it before, but in the light of what I said in 'Revolutionary Liberalism: 5 - The "Sovereign Individual"' the other day and the welter of stories of party funding corruption this week it's worth reprinting today I think:

Democracy Needs Reforming

by Fred E. Foldvary, Senior Editor, The Progress Report

Ever since the 1996 elections, we have had wave after wave of revelations about improper or suspicious political campaign finances. Campaign contributions from Asia, soliciting contributions from government offices, overnight stays at the White House, diversion of "soft" money to political parties -- all this money sloshing and influence peddling points to the corruption of government, whether it was strictly legal or not.

The finance reform bill now being considered may be blocked by Democratic opposition to the "paycheck protection act" that would bar unions from using dues for political contributions without the members' approval. Even if it passes, the problem will remain. We've had campaign finance reforms every few years, and 114 votes on the issue by the Senate during the last ten years, but nothing really changes.

The basic problem is the way we elect our representatives. Our system is mass democracy: a large mass of voters elect a Congressman or Senator, or the President. The voters' don't know the candidate personally, so the candidate relies on advertising in the media to project a favorable image. This costs money, and the special interests are happy to contribute the funds.

No matter what laws are passed, the special interests will find ways around them, because of the tremendous gains they can get. Government financing of campaigns only gives more power to the two major parties, reducing even further the opportunity for smaller political parties to challenge the system and come up with new ideas. The problem is the corrupt incentives built into the system. To solve the problem, the whole voting system has to be changed.

Since the key problem is mass democracy, the only remedy is to change it to small-group democracy. Have every election take place in a small group. That would eliminate the need for mass media, and therefore the need for mass campaign funds, and thus the opportunity for special interests to buy out the election. Also, wealthy candidates would no longer have such an advantage.

But if a Congressional district has several hundred thousand people, how can we elect the representatives with small groups? The solution is multi-level voting. Divide cities and counties into small neighborhood districts. Each district elects a council. Then the council members elect one of their members to a higher- level council made up of a dozen neighborhood districts. These then elect members to the next higher level, and this continues on up to the representatives to the city council, state legislatures and Congress. One of the rules is that a lower-level council may recall a representative at any time if they are not satisfied.

Now you the voter are electing someone from your neighborhood for the neighborhood council, somebody you might know or easily have access to. Instead of mass mailings and TV commercials, the candidates would hold neighborhood meetings. All the higher-level elections would also be personal, since only a dozen or so councils would elect representatives to the next higher level council. The President himself would be elected by Congress, and the House of Representatives would only have, say, some 60 members instead of 435. And let's cut the Senate to 50 members, while we're at it. We want smaller groups, right?

Somebody might object that he or she wants to be able to elect the President directly. But one vote out of tens of millions does not amount to much. One vote in a neighborhood election of about 200 voters does count for something, plus your voice will be heard, and those who want to be representatives don't need to raise money.

This bottom-up multi-level voting system would also profoundly change the incentives for taxation. Power would shift dramatically to the neighborhood councils. Decentralized voting would lead to decentralized government and decentralized taxation. With local funding that gets sent to higher-levels of government, income and sales taxes would not longer be practical. Taxation would shift to real estate, especially to land, which does not flee when taxed.

Small-group democracy would be a radical change, but if we want to eliminate special-interest influence and the corruption of government, campaign-finance laws alone won't do it, because of the incentives built into the system. Either we change the voting system, or we will continue to let the special interests have their way.

Link to the Progress Report

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Comments

How does this square with the modern business notion of delayering? Wassisname that runs Tescos boasts that there are no more than six people between him and the people at the checkouts.

Delayering works, they say, because there is much better communication between different layers when there are fewer of them.

If you're talking about having parishes of 200 people, then that's ~5000 parishes per county. Bit mental, innit? I think that having a fourth layer between parish and county is not unreasonable - town/city or "rural zone"(?).

Quite a few US libertarians bemoan the passing of the 17th amendment which made representatives directly elected which causes the problems mentioned above.

I suspect there's some extreme conservatism involved for some people, but the idea presented above would probably be acceptable to many.
State's rights advocated would probably be happy with the repeal of the 17th and let the states decide how to elect their representatives (within the constraints of the 15th and 19th amendments)

Yes, one representative for 200 people, leading to a regional assembly of 5000 members. You need an intermediate layer. Also, from a practical point of view it probably makes sense to have town/suburb-sized chunks, because there will be city-level decisions that need making, the kinds that are currently being done by local authorities.

It needn't be as tall as all that - remember he is talking about the US and he's not really changing the numbers of layers at all - just upending them so the most local is the most important.

In the UK, as in my previous post, I reckon we can probably do with a total of three layers - parish/community, county and national.

I suspect that's one representative for 200 people, not one council.  As such it would not be far off the representation ratio of, say, France or Denmark.

...why we are getting hung up on numbers.  The principle is right though.  I don't see why one needs a middle tier at all.  Hume is quite careful about numbers as he tries to factor in the optimum number of representatives so that none can corner too much power and they are not too many to come to an agreement.

Take Oxfordshire, population 600,000 give or take - 60 community councils representing 10,000 people each (yes, I know that means one per 500 residents but that's still significantly better than the current average which is about 2,500) could each elect a county councillor which then elects a Westminster representative/senator.

If counties are bigger or smaller than 500-600,000 they could combine or split - so Kent might stay as one at 1.2million people but send two senators.  I can't think of anything really that could not be done as an executive function at one or other of those levels.  Here in Oxford the fifteen potential parishes might want to elect a civic lord mayor and aldermen for cross city ceremonials, perhaps.  But otherwise it would be better if they pooled resources on an ad hoc basis when they want to work jointly to do something that cannot be justified by one parish on its own.

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